At Tuesday's House Judiciary Committee hearing, Rep. Glenn Grothman (R-WI) questioned former Speaker Newt Gingrich.
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NewsTranscript
00:01Gentleman from Wisconsin.
00:02Yeah, I don't like being here today.
00:04It's a sad state of affairs because you don't like to have to clip the wings of the judiciary
00:12or say that sometimes we don't have to obey a judge's order, which is I think where this
00:17is leading.
00:19But we have a lot of judges who are reaching decisions that are just so completely out
00:24of line and where a lot of these decisions are going to revolve around immigration and
00:31removing people.
00:32And the only reason this has become such a big issue is that we had a president who decided
00:38to the degree which he could, he's not going to enforce the immigration laws of the country.
00:42So after you have completely irresponsible president and completely irresponsible judges,
00:49you wind up in the mess we are today.
00:53Just to clarify things, I'll ask maybe Mr. Larkin, Speaker Gingrich, obviously the country
01:00has been around now under our current constitution for about 230 years, about.
01:08What precedents from the early part of our country indicate that injunctions should not
01:13be beyond parties directly involved in litigation?
01:16In other words, when George, when Abraham Lincoln went to law school, what would he
01:20have thought about these decisions?
01:21Well, of course, Lincoln didn't go to law school.
01:24You're right.
01:25I was going to correct myself.
01:26He read the law.
01:27You're right.
01:28But look, I've been around long enough that I remember talking with Jefferson.
01:33And when I talked to Jefferson, he said, you know, you simply can't have an oligarchy.
01:39And if you allow judges to be the final determinants, you by definition have left the people behind
01:46and established an oligarchy.
01:47I really think if you look at Lincoln, and if you read Fehrenbacher's extraordinarily
01:52detailed book on Dred Scott, Lincoln makes the Dred Scott decision the centerpiece of
01:58the 1858 campaign.
02:01And when Lincoln is very clear about this, think about Lincoln at Gettysburg, when he
02:07says government of the people, by the people, and for the people, he's not only referring
02:13to southern slave owners, he's referring to the court.
02:16And he's saying, by definition, you cannot usurp the right of the elected officials.
02:21Now, if you read the Federalist Papers, it's very clear that the founding fathers thought
02:27the weakest of the three branches would be the judiciary, that it would always be cautious,
02:32because it would always be subject to being overwhelmed by the executive and legislative
02:36together.
02:37And in fact, you all represent the branch the founding fathers most feared, because
02:41they assumed that the people elected by the people would have the greatest power.
02:46So we just have to recognize this.
02:49And we said they were wise.
02:50Yeah.
02:51Did we have good reasons to fear the institution I once led?
02:55Can I just add a short supplement to that?
02:57Sure.
02:58I'd like to say, did this, did this issue ever come up in the 1840s or 1850s or 1860s
03:06or 1870s?
03:07No.
03:08Okay.
03:10And we just assumed it was understood at the time?
03:13The law of equity was party specific.
03:19If, you know, if person one sued person two, the court would remedy whatever harm person
03:27one suffered.
03:30The court would not then go on and enter an injunction that tried to govern society.
03:35That was not the role of the courts.
03:37And the Supreme Court has even made that point more recently.
03:42They've said the responsibility to adjudicate a case of controversy is quite different from
03:48the responsibility to govern the society.
03:51The Lewis versus Casey, which is cited in one of my articles, makes this point.
03:58So it, it was not a component of equity in England, or as you put it in the 1840s, 50s
04:06or 60s.
04:08It happened only much later.
04:09Okay.
04:10Now, we're never supposed to, they tell us you're never supposed to ask the Democrat
04:14witness, but I'll break with, I'll break with my stuff.
04:17Ms. Shaw, what do you think is the strongest example of a case, say, before 1870, in which
04:26a district court tried to come up with a ruling that affected the whole country?
04:33You know, we don't have examples that are of the sort of nationwide injunction that
04:40we know today.
04:41I don't think that's really in question.
04:44There's been an enormous increase.
04:45The scholarly debate about how kind of well, how historically grounded this is, you know,
04:51goes back and forth, but it's either about a century old or a little more.
04:53But I don't think there's much suggestion that there were injunctions of this sort in
04:57the early 19th century.
04:58It would be an indication that under our Constitution, our forefathers never dreamed
05:03we'd have these type of rulings come from somebody who just, it comes from an individual
05:10district.
05:11But we'll ask.
05:12I could tell Speaker Gingrich wanted to get in one more swing here, so we'll let you get
05:15in the swing, and then I'll...
05:18Look, what we have seen over the long sweep of American history is a gradual, steady increase
05:25in the self-esteem and power of lawyers.
05:28Marbury versus Madison is totally misrepresented.
05:31The fact is that Marshall was terrified of Jefferson, knew that the Jeffersonians would
05:36gladly wipe out the court, danced around.
05:40It's not revisited until Dred Scott, and Dred Scott's a disaster.
05:45And so you really have a long period here where judges didn't think they had the power
05:51to define for the country how the country should behave.
05:56And what we're living through, and I'm very sympathetic to the agony on the left, because
06:02this is the...
06:03If you have Jefferson, Jackson, Lincoln, FDR, and Trump, this is the fifth great cycle of
06:10a profound challenge to the existing order.
06:13And obviously, these kind of periods are very painful, and they're very dangerous, and you've
06:18got to work your way through them.
06:21And I think this is one of the examples.
06:22You have a group of people, well-meaning, I believe, but ideologically deeply convinced
06:28that they have the power to overrule the President of the United States.
06:32And now the country has to make a decision.
06:35Do we, in fact, have alternative presidents in the form of district judges or not?
06:40And the country, I think, will overwhelmingly decide that that's impossible.
06:44And so...
06:45But this is a classic historic...
06:47This is what the Congress should be about at its best.
06:50This is a classic historic discussion on both sides of how we retain a balance of power
06:56between the three branches, and I think that's where we are.